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By Robert H. Haveman

Paperback, 392 pages, 6 x 0.9 x nine inches, Written by means of Robert H. Haveman for the Institute for study on Poverty Poverty coverage research sequence.

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Political science and political theory have made another type of adaptation equally familiar. At all times the demands of lobbies, pressure groups, and interest groups bombard the government—each organization struggling to catch someone's ear and to transform its own wishes and demands into official policy, buttressed by government funds and enforced through the state's monopoly of power. Most such groups are organized around some economic interest; but some are not; and groups of this latter sort (for example, the Catholic Church and the Sierra Club) seem to be increasingly important.

They screamed, for example, when bright radical lawyers who worked for OEO brought lawsuits against them. In the early years, OEO fought back and fought well. C. No program kept its glamor, or the aura of great success. 55 56 In retrospect, it is easy to see these problems emerging. Some of them, as we have said, were built into the very structure of the war on poverty. Errors of design seems so obvious, that one wonders how contemporaries could have been so blind. But it is important to avoid two traps common to the outlook of those who turn conventional history upside down.

Of course, worship of the central figure in the state is nothing new. It is one of the oldest tales on earth. The Roman emperors were gods. Russian peasants tended to adore the czar; they absolved him from the faults of the regime. If little father only knew what the wretched officials did in his name, he would punish them! Even in modern times the emperor of Japan was close to a god. One dared not look on his face. The cult of presidents, of modern leaders in general, is quite different. The President is not a deity.

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